Congresss Raashid Alvi writes: The BJP’s greatest weapon is a divided opposition

While the BJP is accused of manipulating institutions and electoral systems, opposition parties simultaneously weaken themselves by refusing strategic alliances and prioritising regional rivalries over national political coordination. Written by: Raashid Alvi 5 min readMay 20, 2026 01:25 PM IST First published on: May 20, 2026 at 01:25 PM IST For nearly 12 years, the BJP has been the dominant political force in India. Despite repeated allegations by opposition parties regarding the misuse of institutions, unfair electoral practices, and abuse of state machinery, the BJP continues to expand its political influence. It does not hesitate to use every available political tool, including influencing investigative agencies and benefiting from a favourable Election Commission. Why, then, have opposition parties failed to develop a united and long-term strategy to confront such a challenge? They often fail to undertake serious introspection, strategic planning, or coordinated political action. One of the most significant political developments in recent years was the passage of the Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners (Appointment, Conditions of Service and Term of Office) Act, 2023. The Lok Sabha passed the Bill on December 21, 2023, amid a walkout by opposition parties, and the Rajya Sabha passed it the following day. The opposition failed to mount any effective resistance to the legislation. No serious parliamentary obstruction occurred, and even a formal division of the vote was reportedly not demanded. The Bill was ultimately passed by voice vote. The Act replaced the Chief Justice of India in the selection committee for Election Commissioners with a Union cabinet minister. Consequently, the committee now consists of the Prime Minister, a Cabinet Minister nominated by the Prime Minister, and the Leader of the Opposition (or the leader of the single-largest opposition party). This structure gives the Prime Minister decisive influence over the appointment of Election Commissioners. Section 15A of the Act prevents courts from taking action against election officials for acts performed in their official capacity. In such circumstances, an important question arises: How can free and fair elections be guaranteed under the CEC Act, 2023? If this trend continues, public trust in the Election Commission may gradually erode, affecting not only opposition parties and leaders, but the faith of ordinary citizens in the democratic process itself. The 42nd Constitutional Amendment of 1976 froze the total number of Lok Sabha seats, based on the 1971 Census, until the year 2000. The 84th Constitutional Amendment of 2002 further extended this freeze until the first Census conducted after 2026. The Census process is expected to begin in 2026 and conclude in 2027, and the next nationwide delimitation exercise may take place only after the publication of final Census data, possibly after 2030. However, the 84th Amendment did not prevent the delimitation exercise conducted in Assam in 2023 under Section 8A of the Representation of the People Act, 1950. Using 2001 Census data, the EC redrew constituency boundaries while retaining the total number of Assembly and Lok Sabha seats. The outcome of the exercise was that constituency boundaries were altered in a manner favourable to the BJP. The Supreme Court declined to stay the delimitation exercise while agreeing to examine its constitutional validity. However, the final decision remains pending, even though elections have already been held, a new government has assumed office, and the Chief Minister has taken oath. At this stage, any future judgment may have little practical impact. The BJP government can repeat the Assam model of delimitation in other states. Perhaps the BJP’s greatest political advantage is not merely its organisational strength, but the inability of opposition parties to unite. In several elections, opposition parties have fought one another more aggressive